One of the recently-published books I’ve been reading is
Nigel Spivey’s The Sarpedon Krater: The
Life and Afterlife of a Greek Vase (2019). The Sarpedon Krater was already
the best example of the late sixth century BC
vase painter Euphronios and the first Greek vase to fetch over a million
dollars, but Spivey sets out to make “the case for regarding it as an eminent
and influential achievement within world culture”(10). America did not have
much of Euphronios’s work when the krater was found by grave-robbers in 1971 in
Cerveteri, a necropolis in the Greppe Sant’Angelo area of what had been Etruria,
north of Rome. They sold it to a middleman, Giacomo Medici, and he sold it to
Robert Hecht, a Basel antiquarian dealer who had enough respectability to deal
with collectors and museums. Hecht invented a provenance for the krater—it had supposedly
been in the collection of a Beirut antique merchant named Sarrafian and had
belonged to his family since WWI or had been bought in a lot of ceramics in
London in 1920—and Hecht sold the krater for a million dollars to Thomas
Hoving, the director of the Metropolitan Museum, in 1972, where it was put on
display that November. Hoving probably did not believe Hecht’s story but asked
few questions. When the krater’s true provenance became clear, a later Met
director allowed it to be repatriated to Italy in 2008, and it is now in the
Cerveteri Museum.
The Euphronios Sarpedon Krater is eighteen
inches high and twenty-one inches in diameter at the mouth, a mixing bowl
(κράσις=blending) for wine, water, and any other ingredients. On one side it
depicts a scene from the 16th book of the Iliad: Zeus, after briefly considering whether he should spare his
son Sarpedon, a Lykian ally of the Trojans, allows him to be killed by
Patroclus, and then instructs Apollo to take him from the battlefield and give
him to Sleep and Death to take back to his home in Lykia. Euphronios depicts
the moment the body is handed over to Sleep and Death, not by Apollo but by
Hermes, easily recognized and not so pretty as Apollo, who might draw attention
away from the main figure of Sarpedon. The krater is signed by Euphronios, who
worked in Athens until 470BC and probably
painted this piece about 510BC. It was
made for a symposium or drinking gathering, perhaps by special order though
this motif shows up on other works by Euphronios and by others. There are other
things painted on the krater. The figures are identified by name and there are
other words; for example, ΛΕΑΓΡOΣ ΚΑΛΟΣ, “Leagros is beautiful.” This remark
shows up on the pottery of Euphronios and others thought to be in his workshop,
and Spivey speculates that Leagros was the shop’s proprietor. On these works,
Spivey writes, “images do not exist independently of words.”
How do
the pots get to Etruscan graves? Cerveteri was a primary contact point between
Greeks and Etruscans. Half of the work attributed to Euphronios showed up at
Cerveteri. Greek producers must have known what the Etruscans liked, and have
given it to them. Spivey speculates that the Etruscans were aware of the
Homeric context and were not just looking for vessels with images of death for
their burial sites. He imagines that the symposium was common in Etruria also,
and that ordinary ware was chosen when the Etruscans furnished a burial room.
Spivey
argues that the Sarpedon motif came to represent an untimely and heroic end as
well as noble or divine mourners. Greek plays in the original or translated
into Latin also spread the Sarpedon narrative, first through Greek-speaking
lands and then throughout the Roman Empire. The image on the krater has
parallels in the bearing of Memnon’s body, or Hector’s body or any grieving
bystanders and a transported corpse. Achilles also imagines his own father
grieving when his son comes to be killed, as he must. The image is a fungible one of transporting and
mourning the dead. The most extensive reworking of the image is in Roman
sarcophagi of the imperial period. A lot of these were in fact made by Greek
sculptors working in Asia Minor.
In his
last chapter, Spivey takes the Sarpedon image into the Christian era. He
invokes Aby Warburg and Ernst Gombrich in arguing that “one image is usually
begotten by another” in art (192). Gombrich said that artists until the
Renaissance repeat what they have learned, relying on “the formulas evolved in
classical art” (Gombrich, Art and
Illusion), and thereafter they still start with those formulas, but modify
them to their own purposes. Warburg called the motif of the dead body being
carried—down from the cross, into the tomb—Pathosformel,
and he showed the formula going back to ancient pagan sarcophagi; where Warburg
begins is where Spivey’s classical story ended. Pisano, Donatello,
Michelangelo, Raphael and others in their depositions and pietás are using one
or more of the features of the Sarpedon motif, the hanging arm or braccio della morte that signals the
body is dead, the athleticism of the chest and abdomen ( Sarpedon has a
six-pack) and the tendency to tilt the body toward the observer so it can be
seen, the heroic size of the figure in relation to its bearers and their
straining to lift it, its necessarily being unclothed as much as possible, and
so on.
Spivey
makes a convincing case for me. There is a lot of information here, and the
narrative may be more fragmented than it needs to be over several chapters, but
I think he has assembled the examples, which are nicely reproduced, and used
them to make a good argument.